The decline of U.S. hegemony on a global scale is increasingly evident: as much as this superpower is the centre of Western Imperialism and of a capitalist civilisation in profound crisis, that reality is marked by a persistent tendency of decline throughout the entire system of domination.
The Colossus of the North's internal crisis, aggravated in the context of COVID-19 and the tumultuous and degrading electoral process of November 2020, is impossible to hide.
Both phenomena reinforce each other, determining the dimensions of a deep fracture along the interior of the capitalist elite that has dominated the empire, capital, money, the country and a large portion of the world, expressing itself through powerful internal convulsions and ruptures (in the heart of Federal Power and in the links between individual States and the Union) along with a waning of strength outside its borders (the Global Transnational System), which at the same time encourages further aggressions against those who defy its actions and ambitions of controlling the planet's riches.
This presents itself in a context of greed, a burning desire to concentrate wealth and the use of unrestrained violence, which claws away ever more at the insides of an irreconcilably divided state-corporatist power and threatens the stability of the U.S. as a sum of States, simultaneously corroding the existence of the planet and the lives of a large part of humanity.
The damage inflicted upon secondary and tertiary actors is compounded by a “fight to the death” between two factions with opposing recipes for reversing America’s inexorable decline as an Empire.
Two powerful factions prising the union apart
This question goes beyond traditional differences between Democrats and Republicans. It also goes beyond the battle between Donald Trump and Joe Biden for the presidential chair. In reality, the conflict even eclipses the issue of who comes and who goes from the White House, and of how legitimate or fraudulent the ballots of either side are: parties and candidates alike are the pawns of two factions of big money, corporations and more permanent structures with deeper economic, social, military and ideological roots.
One faction orbits more in the Democratic Party with the other in the Republican Party; nevertheless, the two factions influence the two parties, acting of their own accord in elected institutions, in corporate-enterprise power, in the Pentagon, the CIA and the Military-Industrial-Financial Complex.
Dominique Delawarde, the French general, with extensive experience in NATO and currently dedicated to analysing the U.S. process, describes the new phenomenon as follows:
“From Hilary Clinton's failure in the 2016 presidential election, the United States has starkly divided itself into two irreconcilable camps that hate each other and that have embroiled themselves in a fight "to the death". Contrary to what the populations of France or Europe believe, these two camps are not those of the Republicans and Democrats; these are only the visible parts of the iceberg. The two camps I am referring to have two opposing visions of the world: they are the "sovereigntists" and the "globalists". The representatives of the "globalists" are primarily found among the Democrats, but we can also find them, albeit in a smaller proportion, among the Republicans.
On 24 September 2019, from the podium of the UN General Assembly, Donald Trump unequivocally chose his camp, expressed his vision of the world and declared war on the globalists...”
(Letter from the French General Delaware vis-à-vis the U.S presidential election –Voltaire Network)
Of course, the qualifiers “sovereigntists” and “globalists” are far too flattering in terms of what each represents. In reality, the "sovereigntists" are a factional expression of “U.S. neo-Nazi nationalism”, which attempts, in the face of immense difficulty, to redirect part of the country's transnational power to within its borders, against the tide of neoliberal globalisation, i.e., the internationalisation of capital.
In that vein, it endeavours to unite and inspire fanaticism within diverse sectors of society with a chauvinistic discourse as it reverses the trends of unemployment and internal economic downturn – afflicting the white working classes hit by the crisis and displaced by the multicolour mass of poorly paid immigrants – by shifting certain foreign capital and companies towards U.S. territory, invoking a declining white supremacy, intensifying racism and xenophobia, and promoting all things conservative. This is done without abandoning colonialist practices and the positions attained in specific transnational networks.
On the other hand, the “globalists” are the administrators and principal beneficiaries of a transnational corporate power that sits on the shoulders of the countries, has no homeland and ignores “nation” states. It constitutes a supranational power that exploits the working class and populations on an international scale, conquers territories by force and pillages their resources.
It instrumentalises states, the FMI, the World Bank, the G20 and the remaining multilateral and multinational organisms; it maximises profits inside and outside the U.S., cutting worker's salaries and sponsoring social exclusion and unemployment, regardless of the colour of their skin.
In this faction, ruled to a large extent by companies from the technology industry, the leading global media networks, aerospace firms, big pharma, mining corporations, international banks and industries from the military complex, a number of individuals from the mega-rich stand out: Bill Gates, George Soros, [David] Rockefeller, Elon Musk and the owners of Facebook, Amazon, Twitter, etc. Their global power is supplemented by a strong influence in the "Deep State or Government", which manipulates important areas of the U.S. State.
Post-election perspectives and the evolution of the conflict
Both dynamics cause, without either fundamentally changing, the neofascists to be more despotic, less tolerant and more repressive towards the interior of the U.S., and less belligerent towards outside, than the so-called “globalists”, and vice versa.
Barack Obama and Clinton, sustained by the large global corporations, dropped more bombs, invaded more countries, killed more people in the world and withdrew fewer army personnel than Trump. This is registered in the statistics and does not diminish in the slightest the depravity of Trump in multiple areas.
When speaking about elections, both camps are incredibly deceitful. However, beyond the popular votes and the electoral votes within a profoundly antidemocratic system, certainly oligarchic (concealed by a veil of tolerance), the “globalists” decided to prevent, at any cost and entirely unscrupulously, Trump's re-election, who, not necessarily out of madness, but definitely as a neofascist, has installed himself as leader of the “sovereigntists” and the head of a faction of power that is devoted to exploding the “institutional establishment”, declaring “war” on it. This war begins with the successful delegitimization of the electoral system and U.S. media power.
Joe Biden, at 79 years old and with serious physical and mental limitations, was elected as a reprieve to Trump. However, this is of little significance, as it will not be him, in such difficult circumstances, who will have to govern that troubled nation.
The signs of the rise to the surface of certain components of the pro-globalist "Deep State" have not taken long to appear. A third of Biden's transition team, overseeing crucial issues, originates from the Military Industrial Complex: there are three constituents from so-called “think tanks” (the Center for Strategic and International Studies, the RAND Corporation and the Center for a New American Security), while four come from leading arms manufacturers (General Dynamics, Raytheon, Northrop Grumman and Lockheed Martin).
This is why Biden and the “globalists'” ascension suggests a likely intensification of the global War on Terrorism, with a greater ability to involve NATO and the allied powers of Western Europe on this pernicious crusade.
It also suggests more aggressive interventions in the West Asia in Israel's favour (Lebanon, Palestine, Yemen, Iraq, Iran, Syria...), as well as along the Russian border, the South China Sea and in South America, although the interventions in South America likely not be so military-focused in Cuba, given that Cuban missiles reach Florida. Nevertheless, the warning is valid with respect to the use of other aggressive measures against the Cuban Revolution, and above all, with respect to Venezuela and other sovereign processes, wherein the U.S could deploy new forms of war as a component its policies.
Domestically, the “globalists” are under pressure and might relax in certain policy areas given the characteristics of the Democrats' electorate, especially with respect to racism, the immigration question and social programmes in the current context of a pandemic coupled with an economic recession.
In any case, the regime over which Biden will formally preside, although it can rely on the majority of de facto power at the transnational level and in the U.S. "Deep State", is more vulnerable than previous administrations due to the deep fracture in permanent power and the institutional system, as well as the high level of power accumulated by the neofascist Trumpism in recent years.
Not only will the new Administration have to face up to a worsening and out of control pandemic, and an economy on its knees, but also opposition within and without the institutional system that strives to erode it even further, with no concerns as to the effects that are bound to delegitimise and disintegrate it.
For Trumpism, bolstered in real terms and more aggressive than before, blocked institutionally and harassed by the mass media, all it has left is to use the electoral and non-electoral groups that it represents to subvert the established order and the conditions imposed by the “globalists”.
There are already those who, from the ranks of neofascism, declare the need to suspend the constitution to avoid a “civil war”. General Michael Flynn, ex-advisor to Trump, is among them, and his followers now occupy important positions in the Pentagon. There are also those who appeal to separatism, protagonized by the forces in Texas and other states that are in favour of declaring their independence from the union.
The spectre of secession, always latent in the heart of constituted federal power, threateningly re-emerges in a country replete with legal weapons in the hands of civilians, wherein their use to halt orders contrary to the collective interest is enshrined, something that results as incredibly interpretative, and where, in addition, both the regular military and mercenaries appear to be considerably divided.
This framework clearly indicates that the battle does not end with Biden's inauguration and the recapturing of institutional power by the “globalists”; rather, it is merely the beginning of a more pronounced phase of a conflict that, in the short term, could produce disintegrating tendencies similar to those that emerged in the Soviet Union towards the end of the 20th century.
A progressive and increasingly turbulent decline of the "American Empire", dragging its Western European allies with it, continues apace; it will likely open up new paths for the liberations struggles in its dependent periphery.