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 27/05/2018 Tlaxcala, the international network of translators for linguistic diversity Tlaxcala's Manifesto  
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 UMMA 
UMMA / We will not allow the history of our peaceful and non-violent activism to be dismissed
Statement by Iranian women’s rights activists
Date of publication at Tlaxcala: 24/01/2018
Original: اجازه نمی‌دهیم بر تاریخ فعالیت‌های عاری از خشونت مردم
خاک پاشیده شود

Translations available: Deutsch  Français  Español  Italiano  عربي 

We will not allow the history of our peaceful and non-violent activism to be dismissed
Statement by Iranian women’s rights activists

Various Authors - Versch. Autoren -Muhtelif Yazarlar-مؤلفون مختلفين - نویسندگان مختلف

 

300 Iranian women’s rights activists, both women and men, issued following statement

Not a single day has gone by over the past year, without peaceful protests in Iran. Frustrated workers protesting unpaid wages, teachers protesting their work conditions, a multitude of citizens protesting the loss of their lifesavings invested unwittingly in mismanaged financial institutions and family members of border couriers , shot dead by border guards, have repeatedly rallied in the streets, in front of the parliament, governmental offices and in front of their places of work, so that their grievances might be heard by responsible authorities.

Those complaints, which had consistently fallen on deaf ears, were heard during the recent protests that stretched across the country. The grievances of citizens demanding the very rights, which civil society and social activists have been steadfastly working to echo. But time and again activists, working in their homes, on the streets, while writing, protesting, or collecting signatures on petitions to reflect the demands of Iranians, have been met with violence. This is the same violence that we see unleashed on citizens who are protesting in the streets today. Civil society activists have for years warned against the consequences of ill-devised policies, of the deepening entrenchment of poverty, of inequalities and fractures across class divides, and of the intensification of pressure upon vast groups of citizens.

These activists have expressed unwavering concern about unpaid wages to workers, structural adjustments to employment in the private and government sectors, privatization even in sectors such health, education, and natural resources, the forced labor of recent graduates artlessly masked in the form of internships, the feminization of poverty, the exclusion of women from the workforce, and the pressures of internal migration and marginalization of citizens, especially women who are most severely impacted. Today, more than ever before, women in Iran, are plagued by poverty and unemployment. Some women are afflicted by family incomes that fall far below the poverty line; and others are impacted negatively by extensive unemployment. In a statement issued 4 years ago, women’s movement activists protested the downward fall of women and warned of their increasing poverty. Today, even official statistics confirm their concerns.

Each year during a ten year space of time (2005 to 2014), one hundred thousand previously employed women were rendered unemployed. In one year alone, 2015, one out of every three women employed in the private sector, taking pregnancy leave was not able to return to work and was fired. At the same time, we are told that during a ten-year period, between 1991 and 2011, the number of female-headed-households has increased by fifty-five percent; while eighty-two percent of women heads of households are unemployed. In this context, the increasing number of educated women reveals that women too have been one of the main victims of the epidemic of unemployment in this country. Even if they were to bypass obstacles that require them to attend universities in their hometowns or prevent them from studying in fields deemed “masculine”, their degrees did not serve as permits to enter the labor market.

There are those today who invite the public to act calmly, they point to logical strategies for change, and who consider street protests to be dangerous and a justification for some within the State to use violence. But the record of activism of social movements over the past 3 decades is filled with examples of peaceful civil action, met with swift, severe, and violent responses by the State. Activists working to establish Trade Unions, engaged in legally registered organizations, or working in movements have faced the closure of their offices, have had their permits revoked, their offices ransacked, their members arrested and prosecuted. Time and time again, a mere invitation to a quiet and peaceful protest or march in parks or public spaces has been met with aggression, arrests, and prosecution, in continued effort to not to recognize the rights of citizens to protest and to object.

As activists in the Iranian women’s movement, we ask those who are calling on the public to be calm and hold “peaceful” and “legal” demonstrations, which part of our actions in the past, such efforts to collect signatures on a petition demanding change to discriminatory laws was illegal or violent, eliciting the detention and subsequent court cases of hundreds? How was the Campaign to Change the Male Face of the Parliament illegal, warranting crackdown and suppression even before commencing activities? Why were the peaceful sit-ins of women wanting to enter Azadi Stadium [to watch sports matches] met with violence and arrests? The women’s movement in Iran has always struggled, under constrained laws to peacefully wedge open even the smallest space for the equitable coexistence of men and women. Nevertheless regardless of the issue they chose to address, women’s movement activists have been met with crackdowns and their efforts suppressed.

As activists struggling against discrimination and inequality, we see it as our responsibility to prevent efforts, which deny and dismiss the existence of a history of peaceful activism by the Iranian people–efforts that hold the public responsible for the violence that is inflicted upon them. As in the past, we see it our responsibility to be present in the streets and in public spaces in step with the diverse nature of this movement and demand our rights. In turn we see the State as being responsible for responding to the people’s demands without threats, discrimination, and suppression. We demand the release of all political prisoners and guarantees allowing for the right to freedom of association and assembly. We further demand an end to policies that force women out of the public sphere, relegating them to their homes instead. We demand gender equality in work and employment, the implementation of policies supportive of women heads of households, and an overhaul of the legal system, which promotes systematic social and economic discrimination against women.

First signatories

Abed Ebadi
Ahmad Zahedi Langaroodi
Akbar Mehdi
Ali Tayefi
Alireza Khanbakhshi
Alma Bahmanpoor
Almira Mohammadikhah
Alnar Ansari
Alnar Barati
Amene Astane
Amin Mo’azzami
Amir Shabnampoor
Amir Ya’ghoob’ali
Asghar Kiani
Asha Mo’meni
Avin Kish-kar
Ayda Pahlevan
Ayda Sa’adat
Azade Chehri
Azade Faramarziha
Azade Khosroushahi
Azade Moulavi
Azar Rahsepar
Azin Reza’ian
Babak Soltani
Bahar Famili
Bahar Jafari
Bahar Monshi
Banafshe Jamali
Baran Ghadrabadi
Behnam Amini
Delaram Ali
Dena Dadbeh
Ehsan Ahari
Ehteram Schadfar
Elahe Amani
Elahe Farahani
Elham Vatandoost
Fa’eze Sabzevari
Fa’eze Za’eri
Fakhri Shadfar
Farahrooz Ranjbar
Farangiz Bayat
Fariba Mokhber
Faride Yazdi
Farkhonde Jabbarzadeh
Farkhonde Jafari
Farnaz Tabrizi
Farzane Jalalifar
Farzane Kamali
Fateme Masjedi
Fattane Abdolhoseini
Firooze Mohajer
Foroogh Rasooli
Foroogh Sami’nia
Freshte Naji Habibzade
Galale Vatandoost
Ghazal Asbaghi
Ghazal Mohsenpoor
Hadi Farzane
Hadid Taghi-yar
Hamed Sheybani
Hasan Zakeri
Hoda Aminian
Holya Fa’ezipoor
Hosein Foughani
Jafar Mortazavi
Jelve Javaheri
Kave Sabbaghi
Kaveh Kermanshahi
Khadije Moghaddam
Kiana Karimi
Kimia Mehdipoor
Leyla Asadi
Leyla Moori
Ma’soome Kamali
Mahboobe Hoseinzade
Mahin Farhangian
Mahnaz Parakand
Mahsa Jazini
Mahsa Shah’shahani
Mahshid Pegahi
Malahat Maddahi
Malihe Jalilvand
Manizhe Mollahaji
Manizhe Najm Araghi
Mansoor Asanloo
Mansoore Behkish
Mansoore Shoja’i
Maryam Amini
Maryam Gha’em Magham
Maryam Hoseinkjah
Maryam Jafari
Maryam Rahmani
Maryam Rezai
Maryam Roosta
Maryam Roostaisefat
Maryam Zandi
Mas’oode Miri
Mehdi Mohammadi
Mehrnoosh Mirsa’idi
Mina Elahi
Mina Golkar
Mina Keshavarz
Mina Mahboobi
Mina Pakdel
Mina Parande
Mina Rafi’i
Mina Soltani
Mohammad Hosein Asgari
Mohammad Poorabdollah
Mohammad Rafi’i
Mohsen Hoveyda
Molook Aziz-zadeh
Mona Mash’hadi
Mozhde Mardookhi
Na’im Dootdaran
Nafise Mohammadpoor
Naghi Rashidi
Nahid Jafari
Nahid Mirhaji
Najib Asadpoor
Najmi Vahedi
Narges Ramin
Narges Sahra-navard
Narges Tayyeban
Narsin Safa’i
Nasim Farvardin
Nasrin Basiri
Nasrin Hoseini
Nasrin Khosravi
Nasrin Moghaddam
Nastaran Hamidi
Nayyere Touhidi
Nazeli Farrokhi
Neda Naji
Neda Soltani
Negin Bank
Niki Ha’eri
Niloofar Fooladi
Nooshin Keshavarznia
Ozra Tabari
Parastoo Foroohar
Parisa Kaka’i
Parnian Ne’mati
Parvane Asanloo
Parvane Yavari Moghaddam
Parvin Ardalan
Parvin Zabihi
Parvin Zarrabi
Pooyesh Azizeddin
Raf’ati Razi
Raha Asgarizadeh
Reyhane Jadidfar
Rezvan Moghaddam
Roya Mehrasa
Sa’id Rahmani
Sa’id Sa’badfi
Sa’ide Reja
Sabere Sadeghi
Sabri Najafi
Sadighe Damghani
Sahar Hatami Lahaghi
Sahar Mohammadi
Sahar Rzazadeh
Sahar Sajjadi
Saina Maghsoodi
Saloome Rahimi
Samin Cheraghi
Samir Garshasebi
Sanaz Mohsenpoor
Sara Hoseini
Sara Saharnavard-Fard
Sepideh Rahimi
Setare Sajjadi
Shabnam Miri
Shaghayegh Eghdami
Shahin Navai
Shahla Foroozanfar
Shahnaz Maddah
Shahpar Bamdad
Shakiba Asgarpoor
Shamim Sherafat
Sharare Khanbalooki
Sheyda Asgari
Shima Ghooshe
Shokooh Sobhi
Sima Hiseinzadeh
Simin Foroohar
Simin Kazemi
Somayye Jafari
Somayye Nasima
Somayye Rashidi
Soosan Tahmasebi
Tooran Poori
Vahide Moulavi
Zahra Rastegar
Zeinab Azhirak
Zeynab Bayazid
Zeynab Peyghambarzadeh
Zhila Davarpanah
Zhina Modarres Gorji
Zohre Arzani
Zohre Asadpoor
Zohre Mo’ini
Zohre Zamani

 

 





Courtesy of Feminist Dialogue
Source: http://bidarzani.com/28211
Publication date of original article: 17/01/2018
URL of this page : http://www.tlaxcala-int.org/article.asp?reference=22543

 

Tags: Logical revoltsSocial MovementsWomen's rightsDespotismIran
 

 
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